The attack on Badal has come from within the Sikh religious establishment. The radicals allege that the Badal family entered into a deal with Dera Sacha Sauda to ensure the victory of Harsimrat Kaur Badal, wife of deputy 
chief minister and Shiromani Akali Dal president Sukhbir Singh Badal, from Bathinda. However, she won by a margin of over 1.25 lakh votes, which cannot be attributed to this alleged tacit understanding. It was more the mismanaged Congress campaign that helped her win comfortably. However, Dera activists are now being allowed to hold their congregations in the state, which is being cited as evidence of a tacit understanding. These congregations had stopped following the Akal Takht hukamnama.
“Badal is again following an appeasement policy and the situation is getting communalised. Let there be CBI inquiry into the present situation relating to these incidents at this very stage rather than indulging in a blame game later,” says Dr. Joginder Dayal, member of the national executive of the Communist Party of India who had waged a relentless campaign against militancy. He said the silence of the BJP on the killing of its leader Rulda Singh could be understood as the party was part of the government in the state in alliance with the Akali Dal. He pointed out that portraits of slain militant leaders were on display at a recent function organised by the Akali Dal (Panj Pardhani) recently at Issru village near Khanna to pay tributes to Karnail Singh Issru, the first martyr in the struggle to liberate Goa. This, says Dr. Dayal, was an indication that radical organisations are active again in the border state. During the last two years, portraits of Shaheed Bhagat Singh and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale are witnessing a spurt in sales. Bhindranwale may be missing, but the socio-political indicators are exactly the way they were in the 1970s. Unemployment has assumed alarming proportions and successive governments have done little to rejuvenate the economy, which collapsed during the long years of President’s rule in the aftermath in militancy.
“Badal has not learnt his lessons. He could have taken corrective measures when his party came to power in 1997. But his politics hasn’t changed,” says Dal Khalsa spokesman Kanwarpal Singh, a once-radical outfit which has now adopted democratic means to attain its goal.
The Badal government has sought a special package from the Centre to deal with left wing extremism. The Naxalite outfits are steadily extending their support base in certain pockets of the state but the methods for the struggle have been democratic and peaceful. The Maoists are concentrating mainly on deprived Dalits. However, Punjab is today a tinderbox that, in a case of history repeating itself, could explode if the administration does not shed its complacency.
chief minister and Shiromani Akali Dal president Sukhbir Singh Badal, from Bathinda. However, she won by a margin of over 1.25 lakh votes, which cannot be attributed to this alleged tacit understanding. It was more the mismanaged Congress campaign that helped her win comfortably. However, Dera activists are now being allowed to hold their congregations in the state, which is being cited as evidence of a tacit understanding. These congregations had stopped following the Akal Takht hukamnama.“Badal is again following an appeasement policy and the situation is getting communalised. Let there be CBI inquiry into the present situation relating to these incidents at this very stage rather than indulging in a blame game later,” says Dr. Joginder Dayal, member of the national executive of the Communist Party of India who had waged a relentless campaign against militancy. He said the silence of the BJP on the killing of its leader Rulda Singh could be understood as the party was part of the government in the state in alliance with the Akali Dal. He pointed out that portraits of slain militant leaders were on display at a recent function organised by the Akali Dal (Panj Pardhani) recently at Issru village near Khanna to pay tributes to Karnail Singh Issru, the first martyr in the struggle to liberate Goa. This, says Dr. Dayal, was an indication that radical organisations are active again in the border state. During the last two years, portraits of Shaheed Bhagat Singh and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale are witnessing a spurt in sales. Bhindranwale may be missing, but the socio-political indicators are exactly the way they were in the 1970s. Unemployment has assumed alarming proportions and successive governments have done little to rejuvenate the economy, which collapsed during the long years of President’s rule in the aftermath in militancy.
“Badal has not learnt his lessons. He could have taken corrective measures when his party came to power in 1997. But his politics hasn’t changed,” says Dal Khalsa spokesman Kanwarpal Singh, a once-radical outfit which has now adopted democratic means to attain its goal.
The Badal government has sought a special package from the Centre to deal with left wing extremism. The Naxalite outfits are steadily extending their support base in certain pockets of the state but the methods for the struggle have been democratic and peaceful. The Maoists are concentrating mainly on deprived Dalits. However, Punjab is today a tinderbox that, in a case of history repeating itself, could explode if the administration does not shed its complacency.
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Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008
An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative
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