Wednesday, November 25, 2009

This high stakes game continues to fill the coffers of corrupt private players

And now it is the turn of Raja, who had come in as Maran’s replacement, to live up to this dubious legacy. His claim to fame has been awarding licenses to new firms such as Unitech Wireless, Swan Telecom, STel, Datacom and Loop Telecom. Pan Indian licences were handed out for just Rs 1,651 crore (rates that were set in a 2001 auction). Another criticism of these new players was that most of them had scant idea of the services desired of them. Eyebrows were also raised when licenses were awarded to these greenhorns on a first-come-first-serve basis. This cost the government dear, and the losses were estimated at a whopping Rs 2,000 crore. Then, in September 2008, still more fuel was added to the smouldering fire when Swan Telecom roped in UAE-based Etisalat to acquire 45 per cent in this venture for about Rs 9,200 crore. And Unitech Wireless and STel followed suit by disinvesting some portion of their firms to international players at astronomical prices.

Says a telecom analyst requesting anonymity: “The reason controversies have ruled the telecom sector is because it kicked off quite late, so that people became aware of the opportunities it could offer in a fairly short time. This made it a now-or-never opportunity for private players. The fast growth in the sector also meant quick bucks for certain people, which is precisely what we have been seeing.”

Indeed it is a fact that the Indian telecom sector has been growing at an exponential rate – being one of the fastest growing sectors in recent times with over 494.07 million subscribers according to the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI). Wireless telephony is definitely the in thing. Even despite the slowdown 11 to 13 million new subscribers are added every month. And this explosive growth of the sector is matched only by the cutthroat competition among the players. As an industry insider revealed, “This is a high stakes game – one in which no one is willing to become the sucker, and it explains the rampant corruption in it. If any one party loses, it perversely seeks to drag its rivals into the quagmire also.” It is more or less the same story in sectors like defense and mining, which too have high stakes and high returns.

But one thing that is special to the telecom sector is that it is not just growing in size but in its scope as well. Earlier we had just GSM-based services; now there is CDMA too. And to these will shortly be added 3G and WiMax, followed by Long Term Evolution (LTE). None of these can enter till the government gives its nod, and without State involvement and intervention at practically every stage. And the political class is well aware of this. What also helps these venal folk is the considerable opaqueness that exists in this sector. “Considering that even the telecom bills that end customers get are not transparent one can imagine how murky things must be at the top,” says Praveen Kumar, Managing Director, Vie Capital.

In such a system the regulator, the TRAI, is bound to prove toothless. For what possible power can it exercise so long as the Department of Telecom (DoT) insists on having a chokehold on the sector? Even so, there is general agreement that the TRAI was among the best things to have happened to the telecom sector, because it is thanks mainly to it that there is so much competition to corner telecom space. Besides, telecom subscribers now have a far broader range to pick from: they can choose to pay 1paise per second, or have all calls at 50 paise per minute – or be charged per call rather than on the basis of the minutes spent.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Tuesday, November 17, 2009

Bihar’s notorious Maoists

“No lack of coordination between STF, district administration”

STF chief SK Bhardwaj says the state government is keen to make good on its promises The money earmarked for Naxalite rehabilitation has not been spent while those who surrender say they have not received money promised by the government. Could there be a lack of coordination between the STF and district administrations?

There is no lack of coordination between the STF and district administration. It is just that officials in the district keep changing, so there are delays. We have every intention to make good on our promises.

There has been some confusion over identifying those who have surrendered. Some Naxalites have been kept in custody and then taken off the list and abandoned. Could this deter others from giving themselves in?

Whether a person is a Naxalite or not is the decision taken by a committee attached to the district administration. It is that committee which recommends rehabilitation. We act on it. While it is true that some mistakes did occur, we have managed to make amends.

Can you say the Naxalite rehabilitation programme is perfect, that all promises made by the government, including providing protection, have been fulfilled?

I cannot make any such claim. Some people have benefited from surrender. We are trying to reach out and identify others who have not. As for providing protection, I have not received any letter which has cited such threats. Once we get them, we will take a decision.

There are some surrendered Naxalites who say they want to join the radical movement. Is it disturbing?

If someone decides to take up crime as a career, there is nothing we can do. All I can say is that my doors are always open for those who want to surrender.
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Friday, November 13, 2009

The dry-cleaning of 70 mm

The blatant waste of water for shooting purpose in tinsel town

When it comes to controversy regarding water in Bollywood, the movie 'Water' would feature prominently in the list. But then the same word when used in movie (not as movie title!) never raises any eyebrows. The way water is wasted for shooting purposes in tinsel town is really uneconomical. The usage of water in any movie's shooting can’t be brought down to nil, but then sheer and blatant wastage of water should also not be ignored.

The usage of water has always been there in movies for almost all types of scenes be it for climax, romance, tragedy or disaster. From creating artificial rains to natural ambience, water is used (read: abused) for almost all purposes in the tinsel town. As per recent newspaper reports, a leading forthcoming movie used around 200 water tankers to shoot a city flood scene, while another movie "Tum Mile", used 200 tankers of water for a shooting sequence. Likewise "De Dana Dan", used 700 tankers of water for shooting the climax. It is estimated that 28 tankers of water, on an average, are needed for a single rain sequence, i.e., to create artificial rain. Worse, the water that is used for shooting purposes is not any normal tap water but highly purified. But the real waste can only be comprehended after diving into the details. Well, as they say, the devil is in the details — each tanker of water holds nearly 12,000 litres of water! Which boils down to the fact that on an average 3,36,000 litres are required for creating artificial rainfall for a song sequence. And this is just for one shot, and remember it takes numerous similar shots (and numerous days) to zero in any sequence!

Contrast this with the usage of water in Hollywood movies. Agreed, that even Hollywood movies do use element of water to lure the viewers and make their movie visually more pleasing. But then even movies like "Titanic" and "Pirates of the Caribbean" used less water and more special effects to create the desired effects and visuals.

The whole issue of using and wasting good quality, purified and drinkable water gets grimmer after analysing the situation of water in Mumbai and whole of India. As per UN reports, by 2050, per capita water availability in India is expected to drop by about 44 per cent, all thanks to growing populations, higher demand and a depleting water table. The Mumbai water authorities have reduced their water supplies by 30 per cent as the state faces huge problems of water shortage. As per official statements, the water in Mumbai presently is 60 per cent of the total annual storage of around 13 lakh million litres that is required. And this situation is just not confined to Mumbai but can be seen and felt across the nation in almost every household.

Any kind of shooting (be it for movies, soaps or commercials) should make sure that they at least decrease the usage of water. More emphasis should be given to sharing of resources and opting for natural ambience. It is advisable that instead of using purified water, more efforts should be given to conservation, recycling and re-usage of water, rather than wasting this precious resource blindly. This will not dilute the essence of cinematography but will actually help them in washing away the water related problems of Mumbaikars and India.
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Wednesday, November 11, 2009

Powerplay - The epic duel for delhi

Mrs Gandhi beat Morarji Desai, even in death, but their rivalry remains unmatched

Yashwant Mehta

veteran columnist


At the end of the 14th century, Prince Khurram of Gujarat smelt an opportunity to capture Delhi, gathered a bunch of warriors and started marching. But he died on the way. For about six centuries, nobody from Gujarat eyed Delhi. However, since 1946, three people appeared on the scene. The first was Sardar Patel, a serious contender of Jawaharlal Nehru for the prime ministry. Nowadays, Narendra Modi’s name is doing the rounds. However, his chance of leading the nation is minimal, given the political health of BJP and bitter inter-party rivalry. The only Gujarati to go all the way was Morarji Desai. He tried in the 1960s to emerge as Nehru ‘s heir and later became Indira Gandhi’s strongest rival. He even succeeded in becoming the Prime Minister once, relegating the ‘iron lady’ to the political margins, albeit for a very short time. The tussle started in 1964 and was to last till Indira’s assassination in 1984.

Morarji Desai, born in a middle class south Gujarat family on February 19, 1896, started his career in the civil service at the age of 22. Morarji’s political career received a major boost from incidents in Godhra, a point shared by Modi. Morarji’s actions in the 1930 Godhra riots led to the British Raj forcing him to resign. Morarji joined politics. He was soon elected to the Bombay state Assembly in 1937. He became home minister in 1946 and chief minister in 1952. His staunch opposition to linguistic reorganisation of states embittered many a Gujarati. But the will of the people of Maharastra and Gujarat prevailed and on May 1, 1960, the bilingual Bombay state was bifurcated.

An efficient administrator and mass leader, he soon captured the top position in the Gujarat Congress. He also became a darling of the moneybags. Being the Union finance minister, he enjoyed considerable power. He probably started dreaming of premiership at this point, especially as Nehru was getting old. His ambition found expression during a visit to USA where he declared that he was slated to become the next Prime Minister of India. This alerted the Nehru camp, which was keen to see Indira, already a part of the Central cabinet, don the cap.

A scheme was hatched in June 1963 whereby all ministers above the age of 60 were asked to resign voluntarily. Morarji resigned but realised that it was just a ploy to get rid of him.


The old warhorse waited for the right chance. It came soon. Nehru died on May 27, 1964. Morarji started his machinations. However, senior leaders thwarted his efforts; they found a compromise candidate in Lal Bahadur Shastri, a non-intrusive leader from UP. Morarji continued to seethe. Another chance arrived. Shastri died on January 10, 1966. In the internal election between two candidates, Morarji lost and Indira won.

The 1967 Lok Sabha elections saw the Congress falling short of majority. The leaders needed all sorts of compromises and Morarji was appeased with the offer of deputy prime ministry.

However, the rivalry continued. The Congress needed to take populist steps. They contemplated abolition of privy purses of erstwhile princes and nationalisation of banks. Morarji opposed these moves. By this time, Indira had gathered sufficient courage to take on the veteran. On July 16, 1969, she took away the finance portfolio from him. A ruffled Morarji resigned, declaring that Indira had thrown him out of the Cabinet. Indira announced nationalisation of 14 banks on that very day.

But Morarji’s ambition did not subside. He still enjoyed influence in Gujarat, Karnataka and Rajasthan. In 1974, the sparks of anti-price rise and anti-corruption movements flew from Gujarat and flared into a nationwide agitation, threatening Indira Gandhi. When Indira pushed the panic button in the form of Emergency, Morarji came into the limelight again. His archrival incarcerated him along with many other leaders.

Jail proved to be a blessing in disguise. Indira lost the 1977 elections to a ragtag outfit called Janata Party. Morarji was chosen to lead the government. He unleashed all his anti-Indira fury. A probe panel was constituted to look into her ‘crimes’.

However, Morarji did not have his revenge as the Janata Party split in two years, this time pushing him into oblivion. After his resignation on July 15, 1979, he withdrew from active politics. Indira bounced back in 1980. Morarji lived to be a centurion and died a quiet death on April 11, 1995. His archrival got the better of him in death as well. She attained martyrdom, falling to bullets of her disgruntled Sikh bodyguards. She became a symbol of bravery and national integration, while Morarji Desai had to be content with the mere distinction of being the first non-Congress Prime Minister of India.


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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Tuesday, November 10, 2009

Mujib’s killing triggered Bangladesh’s backward march

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founder of Bangladesh, was killed by some disgruntled army officers on August 15, 1975, along with his family members, including nine-year-old son Sheikh Russel. His daughters, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, were the only survivors as they were abroad at that time.

The killers who confessed, Col (Retd) Rashid and Col (Retd) Faruk, along with some accomplices, were given capital sentences long after the murders. Most of them are now absconding while some are behind bars. The case is now in its final stage as the hearing goes on in the country’s apex court.

So, how was Bangladesh affected by the assassination of Mujib? Those involved in the plot or those who stood to benefit from this act will invariably say that the murder of Sheikh Mujib helped Bangladesh get rid of being subservient to Delhi and Moscow. It is true that Mujib and his party Awami League had and still has a pro-India image. India extended her hand of cooperation to Bangladesh’s struggle for independence. India gave shelter to 10 million refugees, trained the Bangladeshi liberation fighters, provided all sorts of supplies to them and finally, the Indian Army fought against the occupying Pakistani forces. So the good relations between Bangladesh and India during Mujib’s time was an obvious and logical conclusion of the nine months of bloody war.

Bangladesh was proud of having a modern, secular and democratic constitution just within a year of her independence. Democracy, socialism, secularism and Bengali nationalism were the four principles of that constitution and the state was getting a shape. Some may differ here, saying Mujib banned most newspapers except the four loyal to him and attempted to introduce a one-party democratic system in the country.

Mujib’s murder changed the character of the country. Then army chief Maj. Gen. Ziaur Rahman took office. The constitution was amended with social justice, full trust on Allah and Bangladeshi nationalism replacing socialism, secularism and Bengali nationalism respectively. Analysts say that the state mechanism started getting communalised from that period. But it could not influence people widely as it went against their heritage of over 1000 years.


Zia rehabilitated the anti-liberation forces and appointed Shah Aziz, one of them, as the Prime Minister in his cabinet. Mujib had initiated the trial of these collaborators of the Pakistani forces.

Another dictator, Gen. Ershad, took a leaf out of Zia’s book and declared Islam as the state religion of Bangladesh through the 8th amendment of the constitution. It helped the anti-liberation pro-Pakistan quarters gather strength to stake their claim to political power.

Mujib was hardly a socialist. He added the term ‘socialism’ to the constitution as at that time socialism was perceived to be the vehicle of equitable growth. It also brought Bangladesh closer to the Left block in the international arena.

August 15 brought a radical change in the country’s foreign policy. Dhaka did not turn her face away from friends in the Left block overnight but started pursuing a policy which leant towards the West. Within a decade of its independence, Pakistan lost its way to democracy. In 1958, Field Marshall Ayub Khan imposed military rule over the two-part country. And till 1971, Pakistan was ruled by the military junta and politicians who came from feudal backgrounds. The 1970 general elections brought Awami League a landslide victory mandating them to form government. Pakistani neo-colonialists did not agree to hand over power to Mujib or empower the Bengali people and instead ordered a military crackdown on 25 March, 1971. The war for liberation started.

Mujib's murder pushed politics back to where they were in undivided Pakistan. Military men and their subservient civil politicians came to the forefront. Both Gen. Zia and later Gen. Ershad formed political parties, namely BNP and Jatiya Party. It is beyond doubt that the August 15 incident steered Bangladesh in a totally different direction which the country might not have chosen if she had the option.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Monday, November 09, 2009

Pakistan and Myanmar are classic case studies

Pakistan and Myanmar are classic case studies of how a single assassination can change the destiny of a nation. The pork eating Muhammad Ali Jinnah became an ‘Islamist’ in the later years of his life to successfully carve Pakistan out of India. In his first address to the new nation, Jinnah grandly announced that Pakistan will be a ‘secular’ state. He died before he could implement his ‘secular’ vision. After him, there was only one towering political personality – Liaquat Ali Khan – left to take Pakistan on a shaky journey. But he was assassinated and Pakistan’s brief flirtation with ‘secularism’ was forever condemned to a graveyard of blind hopes and lost opportunities. Into this vacuum stepped in the military; it is yet to step out even as the nation confronts an existential civil war. Something similar has happened in Myanmaar, formerly Burma. Aung San was the father figure and, unlike Mahatma Gandhi, a military strongman who won independence for Burma from the British in 1947. He was assassinated the same year and the military junta of the nation has never let go of the levers of power after that one tragedy. His daughter, Nobel Peace prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi has been jailed by the military for the last 20 years. Even die hard optimists don’t think the military will quietly fade away into oblivion and history.

For most of its history as an independent country, Nepal had muddled along as a feudal society coming to terms with the democratic aspirations of its people. But just one single assassination has plunged the country into such a downward spiral that no one knows what the future holds for this Himalayan and only ‘Hindu’ Kingdom. In 2001, virtually the entire royal family of the country led by King Birendra was massacred in a bizarre and ghastly manner by his own son Prince Dipendra. It is almost ten years since then and it looks as if that assassination clawed through the glue that held the nation together.

India too has suffered through three devastating assassinations: Mahatma Gandhi in 1948, Indira Gandhi in 1984 and Rajiv Gandhi in 1991. The killings have shaken up the nation and led many pundits to forecast that the nation will disintegrate. But grant this to India; it has somehow transcended the trauma of these assassinations and survived their horrible aftermaths. So let us pay tribute to Indira Gandhi on the 25th year of her assassination. But more importantly, let us pay tribute to the very idea of India that survives against all odds.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Friday, November 06, 2009

Some bumps ahead but not a dead end

plagued by labour unrest, auto majors in INDIA May have cause for worry, yet doubts about the country's capability to be a global hub are unfounded, reports Pawan Chabra

For the global automotive industry majors, India has for aIIPM long time been a favoured driveway. With companies like Hyundai, Toyota and even Ford choosing this country as their manufacturing hub, the sector is enjoying one of its best growth phases ever. However, one cannot deny that this is a labour intensive industry and it has hence been buffeted by recurring incidents of labour unrest in the country. Industry watchers claim that India (which is currently the second largest two-wheeler market in the world after China) is well on course to becoming the seventh largest passenger car market worldwide (currently the eleventh largest) by 2016. However, the current labour problems that are looming large over companies like Rico, Honda Motorcycle and Scooters India Limited (HMSI) and Sunbeam in the Gurgaon-Manesar belt have once again ignited the debate on whether India can indeed grow into a major hub for automotives in such a scenario. The billion-dollar quation to be asked is: will such incidents slow down the growth of the Indian automotive industry in the long run?

The problems started with the strike at HMSI’s plant when the majority of the 5,500 workforce decided to launch a 'go- slow' in August. As a result of the action, production at the HMSI plant dropped by over 50%. HMSI filed a petition in the court threatening to take its operations out of India. In fact, the company has stopped taking orders for some of its models with the back-order touching 1.4 lakh units leading to a production loss of over Rs 300 crore for about 75,000 units of two-wheelers. Similarly, Rico, which supplies to giants like Maruti Suzuki and Hero Honda (market leaders in their respective segments) has been facing severe labour problems for the past one month. At present almost 95% of its 3,500 workers are on strike.

The protest became dangerous after a worker, Ajit Kumar Yadav, 26, died when police fired on agitating employees of the auto component manufacturer. In fact, the auto belt in the region of Gurgaon-Manesar was rocked by the industrial unrest that had been simmering for the past few months. About 8,000 workers walked off their jobs as the Communist Party of India-affiliated trade union, All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) mobilised a protest against the death of the worker. The picture gets clearer when one looks at the issues from the workers’ point of view. “We are fighting here for our rights and the management has no right to exploit workers,” asserts Chander Jeet Singh, a member of the Rico’s employees union. “After all, it is also in our interest to keep our jobs. We didn’t do this to threaten the management,” said another worker protesting against the company.
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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Thursday, November 05, 2009

Aids fight gets a major jolt

Govt, doctors abandon HIV positive patients

Karnataka’s fight against HIV/AIDS has been hit temporarily. Some doctors, who were rendering free services to HIV positive victims, have stopped work because they allege that they are getting no help from the government. Dr I. S. Gilada, secretary of the AIDS Society of India, blames the state government for the sudden spread of HIV/AIDS in the state.

“HIV cases have come down in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu — two high-risk states. But Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, once low-risk states, have become high-risk zones. Both Karnataka and Andhra have ignored experts’ warnings to initiate awareness campaigns,” says Gilada.

But Dr S. B. Doddamani, deputy director of the Karnataka State AIDS Prevention Society (KSAPS) disagrees. Calling the allegation baseless, he praises the government for taking initiatives to check the spread of HIV/AIDS. “We have not ignored directions given by experts. We always make sure that all the necessary processes are carried out successfully. We are opening more testing centres, blood banks, community care centres,” Dr Doddamani tells TSI.

However, current data, culled out by agencies, tell a different story. Karnataka, which once was a low-risk state, now occupies second place in the number of HIV positive and AIDS patients in India. There has been a surge in the number of HIV positive cases in the state. Interestingly, the government officials have no explanation. Rather they take a different stand. Says Dr Doddamani: “It is not that the HIV/AIDS cases have increased in the state as being reported in the media. Rather, we are finding hidden cases which were already there. We are making the necessary effort to combat the spread of the disease.”

But doctors are unwilling to buy this argument. Upset with the government’s clumsy approach in dealing with the dreaded disease, doctors have pulled out of free service. They are unwilling to restart their service in remote areas.

Says Dr Satish, who has been providing free service to HIV patients for the last 14 years: “I am really fed up. I don’t want to render free service anymore. Earlier, I used to put my life at risk by travelling to remote villages in Northern Karnataka to treat patients, but not anymore. I don’t want anything from the government. But it should recognise our contribution because it doesn’t even reimburse our expenses. I know many doctors who have stopped rendering their free services because of the government’s attitude.”

Unperturbed by this development, the Karnataka government plans to constitute Community Based Organisation (CBO) to bring changes at the grassroot level. From now onwards, it won’t be banking on NGOs and doctors. But what about patients languishing in the flood-hit areas of Northern Karnataka? The government and the doctors have no answers.

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative


Wednesday, November 04, 2009

Zardari gets an earful over suicide attack

Tehran accuses US, British and Pakistani intelligence services of fomenting trouble

In one of the worst ever terror attacks to have taken place in Iran in the past two decades, suicide bombers targeted a delegation of Revolutionary Guard leaders. At the time of the attack the Guards were on a tour of Pishin district — bordering Pakistan — to facilitate a meeting with tribal leaders in the region.

The state-run media reported that a Sunni terrorist outfit Jundallah had claimed responsibility. The deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards’ ground force, General Noor Ali Shooshtari, and its chief provincial commander, Rajab Ali Mohammadzadeh, were among six officials killed.

Jundallah (the Army of God) has been involved in a long-drawn uprising in Iran’s Sistan-Baluchistan region. Many Iran watchers maintain that the group may have close ties with either the Taliban or al-Qaeda or both. But western analysts disagree, and say that the group has informal ties with ethnic Balochs in Afghanistan and Pakistan, with whom they have close kinship ties.

Besides, the insurgents have also links with drug peddlers and bootleggers in Kabul, who regularly smuggle drugs from Afghanistan to Western Europe and then further across the Atlantic. The group provides protection to these smugglers, charging lucrative cuts from their illegal earnings.

Such is the fear of Jundallah that foreign diplomats who visit these areas to witness the progress in Iran’s war on drugs are always taken through unidentified routes, and that too in heavily fortified vehicles. In May this year, Iran hanged a few recruits of this separatist group, blamed for a major attack on a Shia mosque in Zahedan. The sibling of the group’s leader, Abdolmalek Rigi, was due to be hanged, but was kept behind bars for further interrogation. Reacting to the grisly attack, Aboumohammad Asgar Khani, an expert at Tehran University told TSI: “The attack was an attempt to show that even Revolutionary Guards are vulnerable. Clearly there has been a lapse in the security arrangements.”

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009


An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative



Tuesday, November 03, 2009

The CPI(M)-led LDF will not repeat the mistake

The stiffest battle is on at Kannur, where the LDF is putting all its weight behind its star contestant M.V.Jayarajan. Congress leader K.Sudhakaran held the seat before he was elected to Parliament. Sudhakaran had defeated CPI(M)’s K.K. Ragesh by a huge margin. The other aspect which makes the battle for Kannur interesting is that M.V. Jayarajan is pitted against former comrade-in-arms A.P. Abdullakkutty, who has twice represented the constituency in Parliament for CPI(M). Abdullakkutty, who joined the Congress after his controversial ejection from CPI(M), also takes this as a critical contest as nothing less than a victory could baptise him as a Congressman. However, Abdullakkutty won’t have it easy. Within the Congress itself, there is a group of disgruntled leaders who fear that a victorious Abdullakkutty can put paid to their future political careers. Both the CPI(M) and the Congress are accusing one another of preparing to rig the election. While the Congress alleges that the CPI(M) leadership, with the help of the district administration, has added bogus voters’ names to the voters’ list, CPI(M) accuses the Congress of trying to spread unrest in the constituency. A case has been registered against Sudhakaran charging him with unbailable offences including that of disrupting the duty of a tehsildar. Sudhakaran, of course, refutes the charge and alleges that the district collector has become a tool in the hands of the CPI(M). Thus, Kannur has emerged as the hottest battleground among all the three constituencies.

Elsewhere, the CPI(M) has accused Union minister Vayalar Ravi of violating election rules. The Congress has levelled similar accusations against state ministers C. Divakaran and K.P. Rajendran.

In Ernakulam, which elected Union minister K.V.Thomas as its MP, Congress leader and former parliamentarian Dominic Presentation is contesting against a new face, local CPI(M) leader P.N. Seenulal.

In Alappuzha, A.A. Shukkoor of the Congress is pitted against the CPI youth leader G. Krishna Prasad. Both of them are newcomers in the poll arena and the seat could go either way. BJP has fielded candidates in all the three constituencies but do not expect any miracle. The Congress leadership claims that the by-poll results will be a report card on the performance of the state government.

Though the influential Nair Service Society (NSS) ardently supported the UDF in the Lok Sabha polls, this time it is not putting its weight behind the Congress. The NSS leadership is not happy with the UDF candidates. Soon after the names were announced, NSS leaders commented that it seemed like Congress candidature was reserved for a certain community. Earlier, NSS had sent their reservation against Shashi Tharoor’s candidature for the Lok Sabha polls. The Catholic Church is still with the UDF even though there were attempts from the CPI(M) side to reconcile the differences between the Church and the government.

The LDF does not expect victory in all three seats. A CPI(M) leader told TSI, “We are sure to lose Ernakulam. We have a little hope at Alappuzha but do not expect a victory. Our only hope lies in Kannur where we expect Abdullakkutty’s remarks supporting Modi’s development model and his flip flops will cost him dearly. Actually, Kanur is a fight between the CPI(M) and Abdullakkutty, not between the two fronts.”

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Source :
IIPM Editorial, 2009

An IIPM and Professor Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist) Initiative